ࡱ> OQLMN Jbjbj## A_A_ %A .o $ D W!${" |Z/$:i$"$$$|%>%% O|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q|Q| %|%|%%%Q| $$f|,,,% $ $O|,%O|,,DF`;`(D;|||0|D8DN)D0FFND gJ1%%,%%%%%Q|Q|(,j%%%|%%%%D%%%%%%%%%Y :  From Charity to Science: Global Civil Society and Educational Development Education has grown to become a worldwide concern. As a result of globalization, individuals and countries now view education as tied to the broader world, as shown through, for example, intense concern with international rankings on test scores, the emergence of a global field of international development organizations focused on education, and the re-framing of education as a human right. This paper examines the rise of a global field of education organizations working in international development, known also as the field of educational development. It argues that, alongside a dramatic expansion in the number of educational development organizations working internationally, there is a change in the meaning and activities of educational development work. A mounting body of research shows that while civil society used to be dominated by a charitable logic, today these groups organize themselves around ideas of science and justice. Whereas civil society activities rooted in the older charitable logic work directly to provide schooling, the new scientific logic is accompanied by new expert-based activities such as advocacy and creating networks for information-sharing. I build on this literature by considering changes in educational development, a field for which a shift in logic has extensive implications, and extend previous studies by examining whether the rise of a scientific logic appears to co-exist or compete with the logic of charity. The field of educational development is a particularly attractive context for studying changes in civil society. First, education is typically assumed to be a social service sector dominated by service providers, but examining the activities of international education organizations shows that an unexpectedly large proportion of these groups pursue an array of expert-led, non-service provision activities such as generating research, advocacy, or disseminating information. Second, because of the traditional involvement of educational development organizations in service provision, there are serious policy implications if evidence suggests that they are moving away from this role. Finally, given the cross-sectoral and cross-national scope of educational development work, trends among these INGOs may reflect changes occurring in civil society organizations in many countries and many organizational fields. The next section introduces the field of educational development organizations and explains the shift from charity to science. Next, using data from the Union of International Associations (1999/2000 CD-ROM), I use regression to determine what characteristics predict the extent of an organizations involvement with science-based activities in order to provide insight into how charitable and scientific logics might co-exist or compete. Although the activities associated with each logic are not inherently orthogonal, I find that in practice these appear to be two distinct models for organizing. Finally, I consider the implications of these findings for education in developing countries and global civil society. Background The civil society groups in this study consist of international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) that work in educational development. These are organizations that seek to improve education in developing countries, are neither government nor for-profit agencies, and have ties to more than one country. Within these broad similarities, the organizations vary on many dimensions such as where they are located, how many countries they operate in, their relationship to governments, and the types of activities they pursue. Most familiar, educational development INGOs often provide educational services that governments are unable or unwilling to provide. For example, BRAC operates primarily in Bangladesh and secondarily in Afghanistan, both countries where rural children have little access to government schools. Currently, over 1.1 million students are enrolled in BRACs schools and over 2.6 million students have graduated from BRAC schools since 1972 (BRAC,  HYPERLINK "http://www.brac.net" www.brac.net). Other examples include Escuela Nueva providing multi-grade schooling in rural classrooms in Latin America, Room to Read building schools and libraries in Nepal, or the Christian Childrens Fund linking sponsors to poor children. The range of direct service provision activities in education is easily recognizable. From training teachers and teaching students to building schools and providing textbooks, INGO staff or volunteers work face-to-face with teachers or students in developing countries. At the turn of the last century the direct service provision model may have accurately portrayed most international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) working in education, but, as this study will show, today direct service providers represent only a small proportion of the total number of INGOs working in educational development. Direct service provision stems from an older vision of civil society organizations as linked to charity, but in recent times, particularly since World War Two, a new logic has emerged. Under this new logic, civil society organizes following the principles of science rather than charity, and the conceptual shift is tied to the rise of new activities. As a result, most education INGOs in development today focus on activities that touch students and teachers only indirectly, such as raising public awareness and disseminating information about problems, or convening conferences and meetings to bring together stakeholders in education. Following Drori et al. (2004), the conception of science used here refers broadly to rationalized and professionalized ways of organizing, driven by notions of equality, justice and rights, rather than organizing principles linked to the charitable motivators of mercy and salvation. The rise of new activities among educational development INGOs is tied to a trend towards science-based approaches in civil society as a whole. Philanthropists in the early twentieth-century in the US were among the first to scientize their approach to charity. Sealander (2003) identifies the creation of eight leading institutions in the charge toward scientific philanthropy, most notably the Rockerfeller and Carnegie foundations. These men had a certain faith that society could be improved through the systematic discovery and application of knowledge (Sealander 2003, p. 239), as, for example, in Andrew Carnegies belief that he could systematize solutions to warif only enough facts were unearthed, if only root causes were explored (Sealander 2003, p. 228-9). The Gospel of Wealth, Carnegies manual for how wealthy individuals should give away their money most effectively, reflects a similar faith in the importance of rationalizing charity (Carnegie 1889). Scientific philanthropy was a key element of the Progressive Era in the US, which was marked by a focus on social justice and equality. It is no coincidence that a number of wealthy and influential individuals came to believe in a more scientific approach to philanthropy around the same time. These were self-made men who benefited from rapid industrialization in the US at a time when Taylors ideology of scientific management was seeping into businesses across the country (Chandler 1977). Scientific management was the first attempt to treat management and industrial processes as a systems problem. The push toward efficiency through scientific study and quantitative analysis that reshaped industry was, at the same time, changing approaches to charity. Rather than providing direct aid to those in need in society, individuals concerned with social problems turned to conducting interviews, passing out questionnaires, accumulating statistics, and producing charts and tables. They believed that societys machinery, like that of a steel mill, could be disassembled, examined, and eventually understood (Sealander 2003, p. 236). Thus, traditional charity involved individuals directly helping those in need, but scientized approaches to social problems requires the leadership of experts, focused on generating knowledge and disseminating information in order to design effective and efficient institutions. A contemporary variant of this approach is the upsurge in strategic philanthropy based on the principles of venture capitalists that calls for greater efficiency and accountability for non-profits and foundations through increased evaluation, planning, and high-impact programming (Letts et al. 1997). A number of studies also document the rise of science-based strategies for promoting social change at the international level. Inoue & Drori (2006) track a shift from charity to development to rights among health INGOs. Similarly, Haas (1992) traces the emergence of knowledge-based epistemic communities, networks of experts who use professional ties and shared ideas to influence policy. Expanding on Haas idea, Keck and Sikkink (1998) identify transnational advocacy networks as groups of activists working to influence policy outcomes and transform the nature of debates by mobilizing information to persuade and pressure governments. Mundy and Murphy (2001) describe the rise of these transnational advocacy networks specifically within educational development by tracing the role of NGOs in the Global Campaign for Education and NGO participation in the World Education Forum, a follow-up meeting to the World Conference on Education for All. The authors show that organizations involved in this campaign have moved into the international education arena, not as service providers but, rather, as advocates (Mundy and Murphy 2001, p. 125). Advocacy is just one possible scientized approach to solving social problems, another set of activities fall under the category of professionalization. In her study of educational development, Chabbott (2003) shows that educational development organizations pursue a range of professional activities, such as hosting and attending conferences and training sessions. The experts that work to build and professionalize educational development as an organizational field link these activities to improved education outcomes in developing countries. In their classic study, Meyer and Rowan (1977) found that education organizations attempt[s] to professionalize by creating rules of practice and personnel certification that are enforced by the schools, prestige systems, and the laws (p. 49). Similarly, DiMaggio and Powell (1983) found that the field building activities of professionals encompass five dimensions the production of university trained experts, the creation of a body of knowledge, the organization of professional associations, the consolidation of a professional elite, and the increasing organizational salience of professional expertise. Likewise, Ferguson found that culinary professionals in France helped build the field by advocating the creation of more institutions organizations, professorships, societies of professionals and non-professionals and a system to judge standards of the product, create credentials, standardize and judge practices, and link it to modernity ( Ferguson 1998). Organizations and experts operate on the crucial assumption that there is a link between professionalization, field building, and improved social outcomes. In education, professionals are theorized to strengthen education systems by generating knowledge, disseminating information, strengthening the field, setting standards, training personnel, and acting as experts. For example, the Association for the Development of Education in Africa, which began as an initiative of the World Bank, is a collaboration between African Ministries of Education, development agencies, education specialists, and researchers that meets for regular roundtable discussions on issues like the impact of HIV/AIDS on schooling and improving higher education. They aim to improve education systems through meetings of educational development professionals to exchange ideas and discuss challenges. The assumed link between professional activities and achieving educational development goals is clearly evident in the mission statements of many other educational development INGOs. For example, the African Association for Literacy and Adult Education (f. 1984, Kenya) aims to contribute to development of the African peoples through adult education by enhancing development of greater institutional capacities and organizational effectiveness. Their activities include research, information dissemination, networking, and organizing regional conferences. In another example, the Africa Club (f. 1980, Togo) aims to promote the development of the African continent by means of regular meetings and discussions that create an effective climate for a North-South dialogue. It also undertakes research on problems related to the development of Africa, bringing out publications concerning scientific projects of African universities and related African problems; and promotes school and university reorientation with a view to provide for the real needs of the African continent. Table 1 outlines the breadth of scientized activities pursued by organizations in educational development. [TABLE 1 ABOUT HERE] Huang and Powells (forthcoming) research argues that four main social forces explain why expert-based, professional activities have become rationalized as a means to improving efficiency and effectiveness among NGOs. First, there is a general expansion of scientific management and administrative professionals worldwide, as in, for example, the rise of business schools. Second, there are increasing external demands for accountability and efficiency among non-profits, and these outcomes are linked to the implementation of business principles. Thus, social problems are increasingly defined as problems of effective management. Related, there is a general increasing orientation towards formal knowledge worldwide through the expansion of higher education, leading problems to increasingly be defined as related to knowledge and information (Schofer & Meyer 2005). Finally, connected to the previous three rationales, there is a general increased value on (and demand for) expertise. Professionals are defined as the appropriate actors to responds to problems of management, knowledge and information. Taken as a whole, the above studies show that civil society organizations are increasingly dominated by a professional-based, scientific logic rooted in notions of efficiency rather than ideas of charity. Furthermore, the logic of science is tied to activities of professionalization and field building, while direct service provision is rooted in the charitable logic. To this point I have said little about how science might complement, overlap, co-exist with, or compete with older strains of charity. Gross (2002) describes the emergence of new approaches to social ills as a shift from charity, which he describes as direct acts of compassion by individuals, to philanthropy. In his words, philanthropy represents a second mode of social service. Coined as a term in late seventeenth-century England, it became associated with the Enlightenment, for it sought to apply reason to the solution of social ills and needsit aspires not so much to aid individuals as to reform society. Its object is the promotion of progress through the advance of knowledge. By eliminating the problems of society that beset particular persons, philanthropy aims to usher in a world where charity is uncommon and perhaps unnecessary (p. 31). Framed in this way, the tension between charitable and scientific approaches to social problems becomes clear. Similarly, Kymlicka (2001) argues that the rise of modern, secular notions of justice will crowd out the practice of traditional charity. He argues that in contemporary beliefs about justice and progress, charity is a second-best response to injustice. The main obligation is to change institutions so that they treat people justly, rather than trying to rectify institutional injustice through private alms (p. 10). The scientific logic to curing social ills is rooted in modern conceptions of rights, equality, and justice, whereas the charitable logic is rooted in older, religious notions of mercy and the search for salvation. I argue that although there is no technical reason why an organizations couldnt pursue both direct service provision and activities aimed at broader social change, it is unlikely the two approaches will co-exist because they represent competing worldviews. Hypotheses I predict that two main sets of features will be associated with the extent of an organizations involvement with science-based activities. First, organizations following a charitable logic will be less likely to use scientific activities. Second, the rise of scientific activities is tied to broader, worldwide changes in civil society. As a result, organizations tied more closely to the wider organizational world will be more likely to pursue scientific activities. Charitable Logic Religion, Direct Service Provision and Age: Both religious affiliation and direct service provision are measures of a connection to the charitable logic of educational development. Age is a proxy for connection to a charitable logic because it pre-dates the emergence of a scientific logic, which is thought to expand only after World War II. Stinchcombe (1964) shows that organizations are imprinted with the features of the period in which they were founded, suggesting an organization born early on is likely to exhibit a persisting tie to charitable forms of organizing. Thus, H1: Older organizations will do fewer indirect service activities. H2: Organizations with a religious affiliation will do fewer indirect service activities. H3: Organizations that do direct service provision will do fewer indirect service activities. Linkages Headquarters, Ties to Other Organizations, Diversity of Membership: Research has shown that an organizations embeddedness in networks is one mechanism that affects behavior (Uzzi 1996). In addition, world society scholars have repeatedly shown that country embeddedness in world culture through memberships in INGOs and IGOs predicts the adoption of many types of innovations (see Cole 2005 for a recent example). Involvement in science-based activities is conceptualized as an emergent trend tied to a shift in the logic of educational development from charity to science. Thus, organizations more closely linked to the new logic are likely to exhibit higher levels of indirect service activities. I consider four linkage measures, the location of an organizations headquarters, ties to other INGOs, ties to intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), and the geographic diversity of an organizations membership. H4: Organizations with headquarters in the West are likely to do more scientized activities. The roots of scientific approaches to charity can be traced back to the Enlightenment, suggesting there may be a civilizational influence in approaches to solving social problems. Organizations based in the West may be more influenced by the value system that spurred the rise of indirect service activities through greater access or exposure to Western experts. Additionally, it is plausible that indirect service activities require a certain level of access to technology and resources that is more readily available if based in the West. H5: Organizations with a greater number of ties to other INGOs are likely to do more indirect service activities. H6: Organizations with a greater number of ties to IGOs are likely to do more indirect service activities. More ties to other organizations suggest greater embeddedness in the international system and, therefore, greater propensity to follow international trends such as the emergence of the scientific approach to solving social problems. DiMaggio and Powell (1983) show that external influences can shape organizations through mimetic, normative and coercive mechanisms. Isolated organizations are less likely to be aware of or influenced by trends in the external environment. H7: Organizations with a more diverse membership (as measured by the number of countries of which organization members are citizens) are likely to do more indirect service activities. A more diverse membership may be associated with increased involvement in indirect service activities for both practical and symbolic reasons. Practically speaking, the scientific approach to development emphasizes expert knowledge and information, and a larger network of members provides access to more information from a broader range of sources. Symbolically, having a diverse membership indicates greater awareness of the participatory norms of world culture. The diversification of participation in INGOs represents a shift in world cultural norms of who is considered a legitimate international actor from a Western-dominated old boys club with fewer, more homogenous organizations, to a system of many diverse organizations, where every individual can and should take part, and where individuals participate as global citizens working to construct world-level norms and standards (Boli & Thomas 1997). Thus, greater diversity indicates greater attention to global norms and should be associated with higher levels of science-based activities. Data & Methods In order to test the above arguments, I use the data from the 2000 (CD-ROM) version of the Yearbook of International Organizations published by the Union of International Associations (UIA). Since 1953 the Yearbook has been the United Nations official registry of international organizations. This dataset includes a large amount of biographical information about education INGOs relevant to my research questions. Furthermore, it is widely used and accepted in cross-national research. Boli and Thomas (1999) estimate that the Yearbooks contain 80-90 percent of organizations about 10 years prior to its publication, and about 60 percent of organizations five years prior to publication. That is, the total number of organizations appears to fall in the years immediately preceding the Yearbooks publication, but this is due to a lag in data collection rather than an actual drop in number. As a result of its extensive use in research, the Yearbooks other weaknesses are also well known. I am unable to determine an organizations size from the data because information about number of staff members and total budget size is missing for most organizations. It is also difficult to link records of individual organizations over and the data excludes dead or dissolved organizations. As a result, my consideration of professionalization of organizations is limited to a cross-sectional analysis of organizations that exist in 2000. Finally, it is impossible to know the extent to which this sample is representative of the entire population of education INGOs. Anecdotal evidence and a comparison with other datasets (the OECD list of development organization and an on-line database) suggest I have only a small proportion of the entire population. However the descriptive trends described above closely match trends found in research using other datasets and other groups of INGOs. A possible selection bias exists if data are collected more completely for certain organizations (large amounts of missing data are a challenge with using this dataset) or if some are systematically excluded entirely, but neither previous scholarly research using UIA data nor the UIAs data collection method indicates this is the case. Despite these weaknesses, the Yearbook is the most complete set of information on INGOs available, and the UIA has built extensive academic credibility over a long history of compiling information. The sample of educational development INGOs used here comes mainly on the classification scheme used by the Union of International Associations in the Yearbook of International Organizations. The Yearbook contains only international organizations, with a subcategory for NGOs, meaning inter-governmental organizations and for-profit organizations are excluded. In this case, international refers to either organizations operating in more than one country or organizations operating in one country but with international aims, such as foundations that give grants abroad or universities that teach international development courses. In 2000, the Yearbook contains 240 organizations self-identify as working in the field of education and development. Of these, 173 contained enough information to be included in the analysis. In order to examine the propositions about factors that predict mentions of professional activities in organizations mission statements, I use ordinary least squares regression on an index of indirect service provision. The index was constructed using a factor analysis of the seven indirect service provision activities, which all load heavily onto one underlying factor. A drawback of this approach is that it is difficult to interpret the magnitude of change in the dependent variable associated with changes in the independent variables: We can only see the direction of association. In order to provide some additional sense of the magnitude of change, the standardized coefficients are presented. The dimensions themselves were created using an emergent coding process and based on the literature described in previous sections. I used an initial examination of the mission statements to generate the broadest list of activities possible, then refined and grouped the categories guided by subsequent readings and existing research. Through five rounds of coding, the seven dimensions of scientized activity shown in Table 1 emerged. They are: (1) generating knowledge (2) spreading information (3) creating publications (4) acting as experts (5) creating non-certification opportunities for professionals to interact (6) working to create standards and (7) expanding the field. The independent variables used to predict an organizations score on the scientization index are age (in years), the number of country members of an organization, religious affiliation (dichotomous, 1=religious affiliation), whether the organization provides direct services (dichotomous, 1=service provider), whether its headquarters are located in Western Europe, North America, Australia, or New Zealand (dichotomous, 1=West), number of IGO ties (transformed using a square root), and number of INGO ties (transformed using a square root). Descriptive statistics for the transformed independent variables and the factors used to construct the dependent variable are presented in Table 2. [TABLE 2 ABOUT HERE] Findings & Discussion Expansion of Field Figure 1 shows the founding rate of educational development INGOs since 1900. It records the dramatic increase in the number of such organizations founded each year, particularly from the middle of the twentieth century. The oldest organization in the sample, Servantes des Pauvres de Jeanne Delanoue, is a typical example of an early educational development INGO. Founded in France in 1709, it aims to provide education and assistance to children and youth; provide nursing and caring of the old, the sick or handicapped people; and give assistance to people suffering from exclusion, such as migrants, gypsies, prisoners. All organizations founded before 1900 are religious service providers in this vein. Then, in 1901, an organization that is neither religious nor a service provider is founded in the United States, the International Society for Business Education. It aims to organize international courses and congresses in economic development and commercial education; stimulate discussion of general questions related to commercial education. Gradually, other non-service provision, non-religious organizations appear, such as the World Education Fellowship in the United Kingdom in 1921 and the Ford Foundation in the United States in 1936. Overall, fewer than twenty percent of the organizations in this study are involved in direct service provision, while eighty percent cite their involvement in activities linked to a scientific approach to educational development. Figure 1 shows the breakdown of founding dates by organizations with service provision and scientized activities, respectively. Science-based activities were rare until the middle of the twentieth century, when there is a dramatic increase. Conversely, service provision organizations have a much longer history, but the rate at which these groups are founded remains slow. Interestingly, only eight organizations out of 172 claim to do both service provision and scientized activities. This apparent incompatibility suggests the charitable and scientific logics rarely come together in the same organizations, a point to which I will return later in the discussion. [FIGURE 1 ABOUT HERE] The work of John Meyer and his colleagues suggests why we see this particular timing with the rise of scientization in civil society and the explosion of INGOs after World War II. They document the post-World War II emergence of a world culture characterized by norms of progress and justice, and a faith in professionals, experts, and science as the best path to progress (Meyer et al. 1997; Thomas et al 1987; Drori et al 2004; Chabbott 2003). Others (Keck and Sikkink 1998; Mundy and Murphy 2001) also suggest that at the international level a major role for INGOs in scientized forms of improving education was unlikely until at least after World War II and opened up significantly further in the 1990s. Keck and Sikkink (1998) argue that the new networks have depended on the creation of a new kind of global public (or civil society), which grew as a cultural legacy of the 1960s (1998, p. 14). A global cultural shift in the perception of the world as interconnected following World War II opened up space for international organization. In addition, in the 1990s advancements in information and communication technology, cheaper international travel, and the end of the Cold War facilitated the growth of INGOs and their ability to become involved in activities like agenda-setting at the international level. The descriptive trends presented above suggest that organizations operating under an older logic of development are less likely to be involved in scientized activities, a claim supported by the regression results presented in Table 3. Model 1 shows that, as predicted, older organizations do fewer scientized activities (H1). Model 2 shows, however, that age does not have a significant association with scientization once controls for religious affiliation or direct service provision are added. Thus, it is not age per se that matters, but rather connection to the older logic of charitable activity. Both direct service provision and religious affiliation have a negative association with indirect service provision, as predicted (H2 & H3). For the most part, greater embeddedness in the global community is associated with higher levels of indirect service activity. Ties to other INGOs (H5) and greater membership diversity (H7) are, as predicted, significantly and positively associated with higher levels of indirect service. Linkages to IGOs (H6) are also positively associated with more scientization, but the relationship is not significant. The primary weakness of these findings is that having Western headquarters is negatively (although not significantly) associated with indirect service. It is unclear why organizations based in the West are equally or less likely to do indirect service activities than organizations based elsewhere. One possibility is that scientific approaches used to be primarily Western, but had spread worldwide by 2000. Alternatively, the location of an organizations headquarters may be chosen for purely pragmatic reasons, such as on the basis of countries supporting NGOs through tax incentives, and have little to do with cultural influences or access to resources. [TABLE 3 about here] Competing Logics These results could be interpreted in two ways. First, the scientific logic may be simply layering on top of an older, charitable logic (Friedland and Alford 1991). A second, more competitive, interpretation is that rather than simply layering on top, the scientific logic is undermining and replacing the charitable logic. In this view the current cross-sectional picture represents a transition from one dominant logic to another, rather than an on-going state of multiple, equally valued logics. Looking at organizations in the field of health care, Inoue & Drori (2006) describe this as a process of discursive sedimentation, where over time institutional logics pile up onto each other and where at any given time point the discourse composes several competing logics and one of them dominates the approach to an issue (p. 211). Some theoretical and discursive evidence suggests that the rise of a scientific logic poses a challenge to the charitable approach, rather than simply an additional way of tackling social change. At the turn of the last century few would have questioned the legitimacy of the charitable model of addressing social problems. For example, in a 1929 version of the Yearbook, many of the relevant educational development organizations fall under the category Humanitarianism, Religion, and Morals. By 2000, the period used in this study, the categorization link between humanitarianism and religion is broken and there is a specialized category of organizations called Education and Development. Although the first INGOs were religious and in earlier times the link between religion and civil society was taken-for-granted, today there is also a school of thought that views the linkage of faith and civil society with suspicion. This group holds that philanthropy is really about public purposes and that donors should focus on the needs of the community, putting their own private interests and values asideThe goal of this approach is to ensure that philanthropic funds are used wisely and efficiently, that they match the needs of the community, and that the public interest is served (Frumkin 2002, p. 104). The charitable approach to social problems through direct service provision has also come under attack. Some are critical of the continuing role of NGO involvement in direct service provision, claiming it enables governments to neglect their obligation to education. Frumkin (2002) states that there is a real concern among progressives that overreliance on the nonprofit and voluntary sector might also lead to the governments being released from its responsibility for important social problems (p. 90). In the field of educational development, David Archer of Action Aid regularly argues that while service provision may have been appropriate for NGOs in an older world, in the modern context of decentralization NGOs have unwittingly become agents of privatization that help create a two-tier system and undermine local capacity (Archer, 1994). In this view, the appropriate role for NGOs is in advocacy and other indirect activities, such as research or awareness-raising, rather than direct service provision. I am not arguing that the direct service activities of educational development organizations are likely to disappear. Indeed, the long histories of many of these organizations suggest it is an extremely persistent organizational form. Furthermore, the reduction of welfare services in many countries since the 1990s may create even greater demand for NGOs to provide educational services. I do argue, however, that there is greater tension between the service provision and scientized activities of civil society than one might expect. It appears as though organizations only rarely make the shift from service to science, or simultaneously pursue activities related to both, meaning most organizations represent just one type or another leaving little room for layering or combining of logics. Similarly, at the field level, direct service providers are marginalized from the global system, with fewer ties to other INGOs, IGOs, and countries than those organizations doing indirect services, leaving few opportunities for the logics to overlap or come together in a significant way. Limitations of the Research Methodologically, the cross-sectional design of this research precludes causal analysis of change over time. Changes in the categorization of organizations make it unfeasible to track individual organizations over a long period of time. However, as described earlier, the category headings themselves speak to a shift in the organizing logic from charity to science. In versions of the Yearbook in the early 1900s, the category heading for humanitarianism and religion were intertwined and a notion of international development separate from charity had yet to emerge. Another key challenge that emerges from this research is assessing the impact of the indirect service activities of educational development INGOs. One possibility is that by professionalizing the field and creating global norms, we achieve better outcomes in education. This is plausible, but the field is so complex and outcomes are notoriously difficult to measure, so the link between scientization and effectiveness remains an empirical question rather than a known fact. Given the lack of evidence, it is unclear why so many organizations exhibit a strong belief in indirect service provision as the means to better education. Another possible explanation is that scientized activities are not about improving education at all, but rather about a struggle for professional jurisdiction and control (Abbott 1998). In this case, professionals are concerned with power and job protection, and are taking their drive for professional control to the international level. Thus, professionalization would not necessarily be linked to improved outcomes in education. However, the dimensions of this study that appear most closely linked to issues of jurisdiction, certification and expansion, are relatively rare in comparison to, for example, activities related to generating knowledge and disseminating information. The rarity of these indicators suggests that jurisdiction may not be the primary driver of professionalization. A final alternative is that organizations emphasize professional activities due to the construction of meta-narratives about their rationality (Meyer and Rowan 1977; Scott and Meyer 1983; DiMaggio and Powell 1983). That is, broad social forces combined in a way that make scientized activities appear the most rational and obvious way to achieve educational development outcomes. The construction of scientization as a rational myth implies neither better nor worse outcomes for organizations. It does, however, explain the faith in these activities despite a lack of evidence. A central feature of rationalized myths is that they appear so obvious and logical that no one questions their validity (Meyer and Rowan 1977). Regardless of whether assumptions about paths to effectiveness are initially correct, over time as beliefs about appropriate strategies become institutionalized, organizations may gain from signaling adherence to these norms through increased ability to raise funds or other support. Edelmans work suggests that due to the endogeneity in institutional systems, over time rationalized myths may take on actual market rationality for organizations (1992; 1999). Adherence to rational myths can influence educational development INGOs ability to martial resources if foundations tend to fund organizations that pursue professional activities if they become accepted solutions to educational problems, regardless of actual effectiveness. I argue that the link between scientized activities and improved educational outcomes is tenuous, going beyond empirical rationality and is largely explained by changing cultural factors. Conclusion This research has shown that the field of international development has been influenced by a shift from a charitable to scientific basis for its work. Organizations linked to the logic of science pursue a range of professionalized, rather than direct service, activities and particular types of INGOs are more likely to be involved in these scientized activities than others. Specifically, religious organizations that provide direct educational services in developing countries, have few ties to other INGOs, and limited geographic diversity are the least involved in scientized activities. Although direct service activities are unlikely to entirely disappear, the charitable logic behind such activities is being challenged and undermined by the rise activities associated with a scientific logic of social change. Three main implications emerge from the findings. First, the tension between direct service provision and scientized activities may be cause for concern. Scientized activities include the influential roles of agenda and standard setting at the global level, defining the very boundaries of what counts as educational development, who counts as the appropriate actors, and what the proper approaches to problem solving should be (Boli & Thomas 1997; Finnemore 1993; 1998). The lack of attention to these activities by direct service providers suggests a gap between organizations on the ground in developing countries and those working at the international level to set standards and define the field. As a result, international standards and priorities may be vastly removed from the realities of practice. Second, it is ironic that the faith in scientized approaches to educational development rests not in empirical evidence, but on a cultural belief system about how to solve social problems. However, an emphasis on scientific approaches to solving social problems may be counter-productive by leading to a futile focus on evaluation and measurement in fields where the true bottom line may be impossible to quantify (Sievers). Emphasizing measurable results may simply lead organizations to focus on what they can count, at the expense of immeasurable social benefits. Finally, if science is indeed crowding out charity, there may be unexpected social losses beyond the realm of educational development. According to Walzer (1982), the act of giving is good in itself... it involves ordinary citizens in work that parallels and supplements the work of officials and generally increases the level of socially useful activity (p. 434). Scientized activities are generally carried out by experts and professionals, limiting the role of other citizens to thin forms of participation in civil society such as checkbook advocacy. The consolidation of solving social problems in the hands of experts has potentially negative consequences for both democracy and the pluralism of civil society (Skocpol and Fiorina 1999; Putnam 2000). These implications suggest a number of important areas for future research. Most critical is the need to understand the effect of scientization and the increasing influence of professionals in NGOs and on the targets of their work. Perhaps qualitatively, one approach that should be developed is to explore how scientization affects the relationships between NGOs, their funders, those they aim to help, and other community stakeholders (such as the involvement of volunteers). One aspect of this research should include a longitudinal study of how NGOs define program success. List of Sources Abbott, Andrew. 1998. The System of Professions: An Essay on the Division of Expert Labor. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Archer, David. (1994). "The Changing Roles of Non-governmental Organizations in the Field of Education (in the Context of Changing Relationships with the State)." International Journal of Educational Development 14(3): 223-232. Boli, John et al. (1985). "Explaining the Origins and Expansion of Mass Education." Comparative Education Review 29(2): 145-70. Boli, John and G. M. Thomas (1997). "World Culture in the World Polity: A Century of International Non-Governmental Organization." American Sociological Review 45(4): 171-190. Boli, John and G. M. Thomas. (1999). Constructing World Culture: International Nongovernmental Organizations since 1875. CA, University Press. BRAC.  HYPERLINK "http://www.brac.net" www.brac.net. Accessed on July 6, 2005. Carnegie, Andrew. (1889). The Gospel of Wealth. Chabbott, Collette. (2003). Constructing education for development: international organizations and education for all. New York, RoutledgeFalmer. Chabbott, Collette. (2007). Carrot Soup, Magic Bullets, and Scientific Research for Education and Development Compaarative Education Review. Vol. 51, No. 1, pp. 71-94. Chandler, Alfred D. Jr. (1977). The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Belknap. Cole, Wade. (2005). Sovereignty Relinquished? Explaining Commitment to the International Human Rights Covenants, 1966-1999 American Sociological Review. Vol 70, Issue 3, pp 472-495. DiMaggio, P. & Powell, W. 1983. The Iron Cage Revisited: Institutional isomorphism and collective rationality in organizational fields. American Sociological Review, Vol. 48, pp. 147-160. Drori, Gili S., Meyer, John W., Ramirez, Francisco O., and Evan Schofer. (2004). Science in the modern world polity: institutionalization and globalization. : University Press. Edelman, L. 1992. Legal ambiguity and symbolic structures. American Journal of Sociology. 97: 1531-1576. Edelman, L., Higgen, C., and Erlanger, H.S. 1999. The endogeneity of legal regulation: Grievance procedures as rational myth. American Journal of Sociology. 105: 406-454. Edwards, M. & Hulme, D. (Eds.). 1996. Beyond the Magic Bullet. West Hartford: Kumarian. Ferguson, P. (1998). A Cultural Field in the Making: Gastronomy in 19th Century France. American Journal of Sociology. 104(4): 597-641. Finnemore, Martha. (1993). International Organizations as Teachers of Norms: UNESCO and Science Policy. International Organization 47: 565-97. Finnemore, Martha and K. Sikkink. (1998). International Norm Dynamics and Political Change. International Organization. Vol. 52, No. 4: 887-917. Friedland, Roger and Alford, Robert. 1991. Bringing Society Back In: Symbols, Practices, and Institutional Contradictions. Pp. 232-263 in The New Institutionalism in Organizational Analysis. W.W. Powell and P.J. DiMaggio, eds. University of Chicago Press. Frumkin, Peter. (2002). On Being Nonprofit: A conceptual and policy primer. Harvard University Press. Cambridge, MA. Hwang, Hokyu and Powell, W. (forthcoming) The Rationalization of Charity: The Manifestations of Professionalization in the Nonprofit Sector Keck, M. & Sikkink, K. 1998. Activists beyond borders: advocacy networks in international politics. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Kymlicka, Will. (2001). Altruism in Philosophical and Ethical Traditions: Two Views from Between State and Market. McGill-Queens University Press. Letts, Christine, William Ryan and Allen Grossman. (1997). Virtuous Capital, Harvard Business Review. Vol. 72, No. 2, pp. 36-46. Meyer, John and Brian Rowan. 1977. Institutionalized organizations: Formal structure as myth and ceremony. American Journal of Sociology. Vol. 83, pp. 340-363. Meyer, John et al. (1992). World Expansion of Mass Education, 1870-1980. Sociology of Education. Vol. 65, No. 2 (April, 1992), 128-149. Meyer, John, J. Boli, et al. (1997). "World Society and the Nation-State." American Journal of Sociology 45(6): 144-181. Minkoff, Debra and W. Powell. (2006) Nonprofit Mission: Constancy, Responsiveness, or Deflection? pp. 591-609 in Eds, Powell, W. and R. Steinberg.(2006). The Nonprofit Handbook. Yale University Press. Mundy, Karen and L. Murphy. (2001). "Transnational Advocacy, Global Civil Society? Emerging Evidence from the Field of Education." Comparative Education Review 45(1): 85-126. Putnam, Robert. (2000). Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. Simon & Schuster. Ramirez, Francisco and J. Boli. (1987). "The Political Construction of Mass Schooling: European Origins and Worldwide Institutionalization." Sociology of Education 60(1): 2-17. Salamon, Lester, Sokolowsi, S. Wojciech, and List, Regina. 2003. Global Civil Society: An Overview. Johns Hopkins University Institute for Policy Studies, Center for Civil Society Studies. Available at  HYPERLINK "http://www.jhu.edu/~ccss/publications/pdf/globalciv.pdf" http://www.jhu.edu/~ccss/publications/pdf/globalciv.pdf. Accessed on July 12, 2007. Schafer, M. J. (1999). "International Nongovernmental Organizations and Third World Education in 1990: A Cross-National Study." Sociology of Education 47(5): 69-88. Schofer, E. & Meyer, J.W. 2005. The world-wide expansion of higher education in the twentieth century. American Sociological Review. 70: 898-920. Scott, W.R., Reuf, M., Mendel, P. and Caronna, C. (2000). Institutional Change and Healthcare Organizations. University of Chicago Press. Scott, W. Richard. 2001. Institutions and Organizations, Second Edition. Sage Publications. Thousand Oaks, California. Scriewer, Jurgen ed. (2000) Discourse Formation in Comparative Education. Comparative Studies Series, Volume 10. New York: P. Lang. Sievers, Bruce. "If Pigs Had Wings: The Appeals and Limits of Venture Philanthropy" Skocpol, Theda and Morris Fiorina. (1999). Civic Engagement in American Democracy. Brookings Institution Press. Stinchcombe, Arthur. (1965). Social Structure and Organizations. In March, James (ed). 1965. The Handbook of Organizations. Chicago: Rand McNally. Sealander, Judith. (2003). Curing Evils at their Source: The Arrival of Scientific Giving. In Charity, Philanthropy, and Civility in American History, edited by Lawrence J. Friedman and Mark D. McGarvie, 217-40. New York: Cambridge University Press. Thomas, G, Meyer, J., Ramirez, F., and Boli, J. (1987). Institutional Structure: Constituting State, Society, and the Individual. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Union of International Associations. (2000). Yearbook of International Organizations. 1999/2000 CD-Rom version. Union of International Associations. (1929). Yearbook of International Organizations. Hard copy version. Uzzi, Brian. (1999). Embeddedness in the Making of Financial Capital: How Social Relations and Networks Benefit Firms Seeking Financing. American Sociological Review. Vol. 64, No. 4, pp. 481-505. Walzer, Michael. (1982) Socialism and the Gift Relationship, Dissent Magazine. White, Lyman. (1951). International Non-governmental Organizations: Their Purposes, Methods and Accomplishments. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Figure 1: Founding Rates of Scientific and Service Educational Development INGOs  Table 1. Description of Scientized Activities ActivityCount (Percent)Key WordsExampleGenerate Knowledge32 (26%) research; study A research organization concerned with economic development, political and social organization (Centre for Research on Latin America and the Caribbean, f. 1978) Manage Information40 (33%) maintain resource center; disseminate information;Develop a system for world-wide exchange of information (Intl Fed of Training and Development Organizations, f. 1973) Serve as an international centre for materials and information (Academy for Educational Development, f. 1875)Publication78 (63%)Publishes; quarterly or annual publication Publishes CCVIS News (3 a year in English & French) and African Directory (Coordinating Committee for International Voluntary Service, f. 1948)  Professional Space61 (50%)meetings; seminars; conferences; workshops; colloquia; professional exchanges; encourage cooperation or collaborationInternational and regional Conferences and Seminars (Asian Regional Training and Development Organization, f. 1974) Supports and facilitates regular meetings (Association for the Development of Education in Africa, f. 1988) Standardize26 (21%) standardize; harmonize; systematize Act as catalyst for broader capacity building efforts which have a high impact in setting standards and best practices (African Capacity Building Foundation, f. 1991) Expand7 (6%)create (or promote) new organizations Encourage the formation of new national federations (Intl Fed of Training Centres for the Promotion of Progressive Education, f.1954)  Expert26 (21%) evaluate; assess; advise; consult Provide consultancy and management services (Development and Project Planning Centre, f. 1969); Work as advisor to governments (Global Futures Network, f. 1981)Source: Yearbook of International Organizations 2000 Table 2. Descriptive Statistics for Educational Development INGOs (n=172)  Count or Mean (st.dev)Percent or RangeDependent VariableNumber of scientized activities mentioned03319%13017%24627%32515%42414%585%653%711%Index created by factor analysis0.46 (0.35)0 1.35Independent VariablesAge 37.78 (42.09)2 - 291Age (log)3.19 (0.84)0.69 - 5.67Religious Affiliation (dichotomous)2915%Direct Service Provider2517%Western European Headquarters (dichotomous)12874%N. of Country Members20.51 (24.29)1 - 136N. of Country Members (sqrt)3.69 (2.36)1 - 11.66N. of IGO Ties1.97 (3.76)0 - 24N. of IGO Ties (sqrt)0.88 (1.09)0 - 4.90N. of INGO Ties4.08 (6.35)0 - 43N. of INGO Ties (sqrt)1.48 (1.37)0 - 6.56 Note: In the models presented the Index created by factor analysis is used as the dependent variable and independent variables are the transformed values where relevant. Table 3. OLS Estimates of predicted scientization score by organizational characteristics (n=171) Model 1Model 2Model 3Model 4Model 5Age (log)-0.087**0.0380.0490.0360.012 Religious Affiliation-0.256***-0.265***-0.225***-0.195***Service Provider-0.285***-0.275***-0.256***-0.201**Western Headquarters-0.086-0.101*-0.076 N. Member Countries (sqrt)0.054***0.047***N. INGO Ties (sqrt)0.046*N. IGO Ties (sqrt)0.024 Constant0.734***0.418***0.448***0.292***0.275**R-squared0.0440.2090.2200.3510.397 p <0.10; * p<0.05; ** p<0.01; *** p<0.001, two-tailed testsNote: Using robust standard errors clustered by country. One case is lost because the country headquarters is unknown.  For information on the UIAs data-gathering methodology, visit the UIA website at:  HYPERLINK "http://www.uia.org/organizations/faq.php#source" http://www.uia.org/organizations/faq.php#source. Accessed July 8, 2005.  I excluded five types of classifications of NGOs: inactive or dissolved international organization (Type H), recently reported bodied not yet confirmed (Type J), autonomous conference series (Type S), Multilateral treaties and agreements (Type T), and currently inactive non-conventional or unconfirmed bodies (Type U).  A strength and a weakness of the classification scheme is that organizations self-identify, which means most INGOs in my sample consider themselves to be educational development organizations, but in the non-profit world, the word development is often used to refer to fundraising efforts, and in education it often refers to improvement or creation of a product such as in curriculum development. Thus, I also examined organizational mission statements and excluded twelve organizations that used an alternative meaning of the word development. Of the twelve organizations omitted because their definition did not match, the majority were concerned solely with European development, a small number were international development organizations that did not mention education, and two were organizations concerned with leadership or business development. I excluded an additional 105 organizations because they lacked a founding date, headquarters location or mission statement, leaving a total of 123 organizations for analysis in 2000.  Note that results also held when using a simple eight point scale where organizations get one point for each dimension of indirect service provision they mention using both OLS and ordered logit models.  An eighth dimension, certifying or training professionals, was initially identified, but excluded from the analysis because it failed to load onto a single factor with the others.  For 32 organizations that had all information except number of member countries where it seemed plausible that the organization did not have members I entered a value of one. For example, foundations, research centers and universities often did not list any members and I assigned them a value of one member country. Taking this approach may underestimate the number of members for each organization. I excluded another 45 cases where the number of members truly seemed to be missing.  Figure 1 begins in 1900 rather than at the establishment of first educational development INGOs because the field is extremely old, dating back to the early 1700s, which creates challenges of scale on a figure. Also, the apparent decline in organizational foundings in the 1990s is due to a lag in data collection, as discussed in the Data & Methods section.     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